gratis<\/em> by centers that, for religious reasons, do not provide referrals for abortions or emergency contraception. As a result, the court found that the centers\u2019 religiously motivated services could not be \u201ccommercial speech.\u201d The court then found that the law was likely to crumble under strict scrutiny for \u201ccompel[ling] [the centers] to speak certain messages\u201d and failing to meet the First Amendment\u2019s narrow tailoring requirement for burdens on speech. The nail in the coffin came with a finding that the law\u2019s definition of \u201cpregnancy services center\u201d was unconstitutionally vague as the enumerated factors in the definition were nonexclusive.<\/p>\nThe court noted the seriousness of the problem the City Council had tried to address. Namely, that \u201cunlicensed ultrasound technicians operating in pseudo-medical settings can spawn significant harms to pregnant, at-risk women who believe they are receiving medical care.\u201d But at the end of the day, the court set aside the law, handing a victory to the centers and a loss to the vulnerable.<\/p>\n
Disclosure:<\/strong> The author of this post interns for the New York City Law Department, the organization defending the crisis pregnancy center law.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"To combat deceptive practices, a New York City law required pregnancy services centers to disclose certain information: Medical provider on staff? Referrals for abortions and emergency contraception? And lastly, the \u201cNew York City Department of Health and Mental Hygiene encourages women who are or may be pregnant to consult with a licensed medical provider.\u201d The court found that the centers\u2019 religiously motivated services could not be \u201ccommercial speech.\u201d The court then found that the law was likely to crumble under strict scrutiny for \u201ccompel[ling] [the centers] to speak certain messages\u201d and failing to meet the First Amendment\u2019s narrow tailoring requirement for burdens on speech. 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