{"id":1737,"date":"2007-01-01T09:02:11","date_gmt":"2007-01-01T13:02:11","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/www.journals.law.harvard.edu\/ilj\/site\/?p=1737"},"modified":"2010-09-29T23:18:26","modified_gmt":"2010-09-30T03:18:26","slug":"issue_48-1_kolben","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/journals.law.harvard.edu\/ilj\/2007\/01\/issue_48-1_kolben\/","title":{"rendered":"Integrative Linkage"},"content":{"rendered":"<p><strong><span style=\"text-decoration: underline;\">Introduction<\/span><\/strong>*<\/p>\n<p>In  the debate over global economic liberalization, few issues have been as  contentious or hard-fought as the calls to incorporate social standards  and labor rights provisions into free trade agreements (\u201cFTAs\u201d).<\/p>\n<p>In  the United States, the inclusion and design of such provisions\u2014a  process often referred to as \u201clinkage\u201d\u2014remains a highly controversial  issue and one that has played a significant role in the political and  policy debates over the rapidly increasing number of bilateral and  regional FTAs that the U.S. government is negotiating. In one of the  most widely followed recent examples, the U.S. House of Representatives,  in a 217-215 vote, and the U.S. Senate in a 54-45 vote, barely ratified  the Central American Free Trade Agreement (\u201cCAFTA\u201d) with six Central  American countries. One of the major causes of its near defeat was the  design of its labor provisions, which were deemed to be too weak given  the poor record of labor law enforcement and the levels of poverty in  CAFTA countries. Even more recently, in the debate over an FTA with the  Sultanate of Oman, Democrats on the House Ways and Means Committee voted  unanimously to defeat the FTA in part because the labor rights  provisions in the FTA were inadequate in light of Oman\u2019s weak labor  standards. In the final vote, the FTA passed the whole Congress 221-105,  with some key Democrats changing their votes based upon assurances by  the Government of Oman that it would amend its collective bargaining  laws. Even then, only twenty-two Democrats voted in favor of the  agreement. Current negotiations over other trade agreements, such as the  Andean Trade Promotion Agreement with Peru and Colombia and the more  far-reaching Free Trade Agreement of the Americas (\u201cFTAA\u201d), are also  likely to raise serious labor rights questions and objections.<\/p>\n<p>Much  of the disagreement in these debates centers on the question of how  effectively trade-related labor rights provisions hold states  accountable for their inadequate labor laws or inadequate labor law  enforcement. The approach states have taken\u2014an approach that I term a  State Action\u2013State Sanctions Model\u2014primarily aims to pressure states to  amend their labor laws and\/or enforce their labor laws in a prescribed  manner, or suffer economic consequences.<\/p>\n<p>However, in light of  contemporary scholarship on regulation and international governance, and  in light of the fact that developing countries often have highly  dysfunctional labor regulatory systems and are ineffective enforcers of  labor laws and workers\u2019 rights, such a state-centric focus is misguided.  Instead, if trading partners are serious about protecting workers\u2019  rights in a global economy, a new approach should be adopted that  simultaneously recognizes the increasingly important role of private  regulatory regimes in the enforcement of workers\u2019 rights, and that aims  to develop well-functioning, democratically accountable public labor  regulation regimes.<\/p>\n<p>This Article therefore argues for a new  approach to trade and labor linkage that I term \u201cIntegrative Linkage\u201d  (\u201cIL\u201d). It is so-termed because the IL methodology integrates public and  private regulatory approaches in the design and implementation of  trade-based labor rights enforcement regimes. IL moves away from the  predominant State Action\u2013State Sanctions Model toward a more nuanced and  encompassing approach that utilizes the powerful potential of private  regulatory strategies. Rather than conceptualizing public and private  regulation as operating in discrete realms that have little overlap, IL  aims to create institutions that effectively combine the two in order to  achieve a more effective trade and labor rights regime. Importantly, IL  does not necessarily seek as a normative end the deregulation or even  decentralization of regulatory authority, but instead actively seeks to  bolster public regulatory capacity and improve democratic functioning.  Such an approach is generally applicable, and is relevant not only to  the United States and its trading partners in their bilateral and  regional trading arrangements, but to other regional free trade areas  and their members as well.<\/p>\n<p>The structure of this Article is as  follows: In Part I, I briefly survey the legal and normative  justifications for linking trade agreements and labor standards and  describe some principles that ought to guide the construction of labor  provisions in trade agreements, taking special note of human rights and  development concerns.<\/p>\n<p>In Part II, I analyze how these provisions  have been realized in domestic legislation, bilateral and regional trade  agreements, and the World Trade Organization (\u201cWTO\u201d), as well as how  scholars have approached linkage. I demonstrate that (a) both in  practice and in theory, the predominant approach to linkage has focused  on the State and has implicitly adopted a State Action\u2013State Sanctions  Model that is particularly ill-suited to developing countries with  dysfunctional regulatory regimes; (b) extant regimes in the three  predominant loci of trade and labor linkage have been largely  ineffective in improving labor conditions, in part because of their  reliance on the State Action\u2013State Sanctions Model; and (c) despite this  ineffectiveness, bilateral and regional agreements hold the most  promise for the creation of effective trade and labor regimes.<\/p>\n<p>I  then turn in Part III to a description of developments in \u201cprivate  regulation\u201d and describe the ways in which non-state actors and private  regulation have played an increasingly important role in transnational  labor regulation.<\/p>\n<p>In Part IV, I examine an enlightening case  study of creative linkage in Cambodia in which the market for labor  rights compliant clothing has helped improve working conditions and has  become a source of competitive advantage for the country. The Cambodia  experiment can be viewed as an early prototype of an IL approach to  linkage, and one that some development organizations are looking to as a  possible model to follow in other countries.<\/p>\n<p>In Part V, I put  forward the basic tenets of an IL approach. In this model, bilateral and  regional trade agreements would explicitly provide for labor rights  enforcement regimes that focus less on evaluating and sanctioning state  action and more on firm-level performance and the generation and  dissemination of information about those firms. The trading partners  would design specifically tailored regimes that address the particular  regulatory concerns of those parties in experimental and diverse ways  that aim to improve workers\u2019 rights enforcement and bolster public  regulatory capacity. Such regulatory capacity building would be  achieved, in part, through the empowerment and participation of relevant  stakeholder groups and of civil society. The varied IL regimes in  different trading regions would then provide IL models and best  practices to other regional and bilateral arrangements in a process of  networked learning&#8230;.<\/p>\n<p><em>* This excerpt does not  include citations. To read the entire article, including supporting  notes, please download the PDF.<\/em><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>In the debate over global economic liberalization, few issues have been as contentious or hard-fought as the calls to incorporate social standards and labor rights provisions into free trade agreements (\u201cFTAs\u201d).<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":2,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"site-sidebar-layout":"default","site-content-layout":"","ast-site-content-layout":"default","site-content-style":"default","site-sidebar-style":"default","ast-global-header-display":"","ast-banner-title-visibility":"","ast-main-header-display":"","ast-hfb-above-header-display":"","ast-hfb-below-header-display":"","ast-hfb-mobile-header-display":"","site-post-title":"","ast-breadcrumbs-content":"","ast-featured-img":"","footer-sml-layout":"","ast-disable-related-posts":"","theme-transparent-header-meta":"","adv-header-id-meta":"","stick-header-meta":"","header-above-stick-meta":"","header-main-stick-meta":"","header-below-stick-meta":"","astra-migrate-meta-layouts":"default","ast-page-background-enabled":"default","ast-page-background-meta":{"desktop":{"background-color":"var(--ast-global-color-5)","background-image":"","background-repeat":"repeat","background-position":"center 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