{"id":591,"date":"2014-10-12T09:41:33","date_gmt":"2014-10-12T13:41:33","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/www3.law.harvard.edu\/journals\/hlpr\/?p=591"},"modified":"2015-10-02T15:20:26","modified_gmt":"2015-10-02T15:20:26","slug":"veasey-v-perry-the-voting-rights-amendment-act","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/journals.law.harvard.edu\/lpr\/2014\/10\/12\/veasey-v-perry-the-voting-rights-amendment-act\/","title":{"rendered":"Veasey v. Perry &#038; The Voting Rights Amendment Act"},"content":{"rendered":"<p><em>By Tharuni Jayaraman<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Thursday night was a busy night in the voting rights world. Just before 9:00 PM EST, District Court Judge Ramos, in <em>Veasey v. Perry<\/em>,\u00a0<a href=\"http:\/\/moritzlaw.osu.edu\/electionlaw\/litigation\/documents\/VeaseyOpinion100914.pdf\">enjoined<\/a> Texas\u2019 photo identification law, SB 14. She held that the law (1) \u201ccreates an unconstitutional burden on the right to vote,\u201d (2) has an impermissible discriminatory effect against Hispanics and African-Americans, and (3) was imposed with a discriminatory purpose.\u201d Furthermore, as <a href=\"http:\/\/electionlawblog.org\/?p=66595\">emphasized<\/a> by Justin Levitt of <em>Election Law Blog<\/em>, Judge Ramos will also be considering the plaintiffs\u2019 request for a \u201cbail-in\u201d order under Section 3(c) of the Voting Rights Act. If such an order were issued, Texas would become the first state to be subject to preclearance in the post-<a href=\"http:\/\/www.supremecourt.gov\/opinions\/12pdf\/12-96_6k47.pdf\">Shelby County v. Holder<\/a> world.<\/p>\n<p>Then, about an hour later, the Supreme Court issued an <a href=\"http:\/\/sblog.s3.amazonaws.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/89\/2014\/10\/14A352-Wisconsin-voting-order-10-9-14.pdf\">order<\/a> vacating the Seventh Circuit\u2019s stay on the district court\u2019s permanent injunction of Wisconsin\u2019s photo identification law. Several scholars, including <a href=\"http:\/\/harvardlpr.wpengine.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/89\/2014\/03\/Hasen.pdf\">Volume 8.1 author<\/a> Richard Hasen, have written excellent <a href=\"http:\/\/electionlawblog.org\/?p=66601\">analyses<\/a> of these two decisions. Rather than rehashing their analyses, I hope to demonstrate that Judge Ramos\u2019 decision in <em>Veasey<\/em> underscores the need for the Voting Rights Amendment Act (VRAA).<!--more--><\/p>\n<p>The VRAA \u2014 which was introduced in January of this year by <a href=\"https:\/\/www.congress.gov\/bill\/113th-congress\/senate-bill\/1945\/text\">Senator Patrick Leahy<\/a> (a Democrat) and <a href=\"https:\/\/www.congress.gov\/bill\/113th-congress\/house-bill\/3899\">Representative James Sensenbrenner<\/a> (a Republican) \u2014 outlines a new \u201ccoverage formula\u201d for determining which jurisdictions are covered under Section 5 of the Voting Rights Act. Jurisdictions that are covered under Section 5 cannot implement any voting change unless <em>and <\/em>until the federal government preclears (approves of) the change. Preclearance has historically played a <a href=\"http:\/\/votingrightstoday.org\/ncvr\/resources\/discriminationreport\">major role<\/a> in protecting the right to vote. Nonetheless, critics of the VRAA contend that a new coverage formula is <a href=\"http:\/\/www.judiciary.senate.gov\/imo\/media\/doc\/06-25-14CarvinTesitmony.pdf\">unnecessary<\/a>. They argue that there are other mechanisms (including other provisions of the Voting Rights Act itself) to ensure that the right to vote is sufficiently protected.<\/p>\n<p>At first blush, it might seem that the decision in <em>Veasey<\/em> supports their contention. After all, Judge Ramos struck down SB 14 on the ground that it, <em>inter alia<\/em>, violated Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act, and she is considering the plaintiffs\u2019 request for a remedy under Section 3(c). But <em>Veasey<\/em> does not undercut the need for a new coverage formula. To the contrary, it underscores the need for the VRAA. It demonstrates that Sections 2 and 3(c) do not provide as robust a protection of the right to vote as Section 5 provides.<\/p>\n<p>Section 2 relief is an inadequate substitute for Section 5 relief because it cannot <em>prevent<\/em> a discriminatory law from going into effect; it can only be used to strike down legislation that has <em>already <\/em>gone into effect. But, in the voting rights realm, prevention is key. Relief after an election has passed is useless to those individuals who were prevented from exercising their right to vote. Even if a court vindicates a voter\u2019s rights, there is no way for her to go back in time and cast her ballot in an election that has passed. Yet, as demonstrated by the history of <em>Veasey<\/em>, reliance on Section 2 relief will leave many potential voters in that very position. Indeed, took over <em>fifteen<\/em> <em>months<\/em> for Judge Ramos to strike down SB 14, despite the fact that the D.C. District Court had already found that \u201cthe law will likely have a retrogressive effect.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>Likewise, although Section 3(c) relief sets up a preclearance scheme, it is no substitute for Section 5 relief. Under a Section 5 claim, the <em>state<\/em> bears the burden of proof. Under a claim for Section 3(c) relief, on the other hand, the<em> plaintiff <\/em>bears the burden of demonstrating intentional discrimination. As evidenced by the sheer amount and complexity of expert testimony presented in <em>Veasey<\/em>, this is a heavy and time-consuming burden to meet. Thus, relying on Section 3(c) relief to protect the right to vote is unacceptable for the very same reason that relying on Section 2 relief is unacceptable \u2014 the chance of pending litigation leaving Americans disenfranchised is simply far too high.<\/p>\n<p>Thus, while Judge Ramos\u2019 decision in <em>Veasey<\/em> is one to be celebrated, the voting rights community must also use the decision as an opportunity to highlight the need for a new coverage formula. This is the only way to ensure that every American who wants to participate in the electoral process is able to do so.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>By Tharuni Jayaraman Thursday night was a busy night in the voting rights world. Just before 9:00 PM EST, District [&hellip;]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":2,"featured_media":592,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"site-sidebar-layout":"default","site-content-layout":"","ast-site-content-layout":"default","site-content-style":"default","site-sidebar-style":"default","ast-global-header-display":"","ast-banner-title-visibility":"","ast-main-header-display":"","ast-hfb-above-header-display":"","ast-hfb-below-header-display":"","ast-hfb-mobile-header-display":"","site-post-title":"","ast-breadcrumbs-content":"","ast-featured-img":"","footer-sml-layout":"","ast-disable-related-posts":"","theme-transparent-header-meta":"","adv-header-id-meta":"","stick-header-meta":"","header-above-stick-meta":"","header-main-stick-meta":"","header-below-stick-meta":"","astra-migrate-meta-layouts":"default","ast-page-background-enabled":"default","ast-page-background-meta":{"desktop":{"background-color":"var(--ast-global-color-5)","background-image":"","background-repeat":"repeat","background-position":"center center","background-size":"auto","background-attachment":"scroll","background-type":"","background-media":"","overlay-type":"","overlay-color":"","overlay-opacity":"","overlay-gradient":""},"tablet":{"background-color":"","background-image":"","background-repeat":"repeat","background-position":"center center","background-size":"auto","background-attachment":"scroll","background-type":"","background-media":"","overlay-type":"","overlay-color":"","overlay-opacity":"","overlay-gradient":""},"mobile":{"background-color":"","background-image":"","background-repeat":"repeat","background-position":"center center","background-size":"auto","background-attachment":"scroll","background-type":"","background-media":"","overlay-type":"","overlay-color":"","overlay-opacity":"","overlay-gradient":""}},"ast-content-background-meta":{"desktop":{"background-color":"var(--ast-global-color-4)","background-image":"","background-repeat":"repeat","background-position":"center center","background-size":"auto","background-attachment":"scroll","background-type":"","background-media":"","overlay-type":"","overlay-color":"","overlay-opacity":"","overlay-gradient":""},"tablet":{"background-color":"var(--ast-global-color-4)","background-image":"","background-repeat":"repeat","background-position":"center center","background-size":"auto","background-attachment":"scroll","background-type":"","background-media":"","overlay-type":"","overlay-color":"","overlay-opacity":"","overlay-gradient":""},"mobile":{"background-color":"var(--ast-global-color-4)","background-image":"","background-repeat":"repeat","background-position":"center center","background-size":"auto","background-attachment":"scroll","background-type":"","background-media":"","overlay-type":"","overlay-color":"","overlay-opacity":"","overlay-gradient":""}},"jetpack_post_was_ever_published":false,"_jetpack_newsletter_access":"","_jetpack_dont_email_post_to_subs":false,"_jetpack_newsletter_tier_id":0,"_jetpack_memberships_contains_paywalled_content":false,"_jetpack_memberships_contains_paid_content":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[2],"tags":[58,183,195,201,202],"class_list":["post-591","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-blog","tag-election-law","tag-texas","tag-veasey-v-perry","tag-voting-rights","tag-voting-rights-act"],"jetpack_featured_media_url":"https:\/\/journals.law.harvard.edu\/lpr\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/89\/2014\/10\/800px-Flag_of_Texas_svg.png","jetpack_sharing_enabled":true,"jetpack_shortlink":"https:\/\/wp.me\/peZQka-9x","_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/journals.law.harvard.edu\/lpr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/591","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/journals.law.harvard.edu\/lpr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/journals.law.harvard.edu\/lpr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/journals.law.harvard.edu\/lpr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/2"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/journals.law.harvard.edu\/lpr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=591"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/journals.law.harvard.edu\/lpr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/591\/revisions"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/journals.law.harvard.edu\/lpr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/592"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/journals.law.harvard.edu\/lpr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=591"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/journals.law.harvard.edu\/lpr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=591"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/journals.law.harvard.edu\/lpr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=591"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}