Online Scholarship

A colorful map of Africa against a greyscale map
Online Scholarship, Perspectives

The AfCFTA Investment Protocol: A New Age for Regional Investment and Dispute Resolution

*Muhammad Siddique Ali Pirzada

I. Introduction

The nations comprising the African Union (AU) jointly affirmed their endorsement for the Protocol on Investment (the Protocol), an integral part of the broader agreement that underpins the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA). The Protocol marks a significant shift in Africa’s investment landscape by terminating intra-African BITs and adopting a state-centric framework that fundamentally reshapes the continent’s approach to investment regulation. The Protocol, as of January 2023, has been made publicly accessible for examination and review. As prescribed in Article 48, the Protocol is presently available for ratification, and accession by the parties to the AfCFTA. As per Article 23 (2), “The Protocols on Investment, Intellectual Property Rights, Competition Policy and any other Instrument within the scope of this Agreement deemed necessary, shall enter into force thirty (30) days after the deposit of the twenty second (22nd) instrument of ratification.” Though the specific status of ratification is not publicly disclosed, it is apparent that the requisite procedures are diligently progressing.

This piece endeavors to elucidate three pivotal ramifications that are likely to arise from the imminent commencement of the Protocol: (a) the abrogation of the majority of intra-African bilateral investment treaties (BITs); (b) diminished protections for investors and the imposition of new duties on them, alongside an effort to establish extraterritorial liability for their actions; and (c) the strong likelihood that the Protocol’s stance on dispute resolution will exclude provisions for Investor-State Dispute Settlement (ISDS).

Finally, this piece adopts a more panoramic view, highlighting two primary, overarching inferences from this unfolding development. First, the Protocol’s tangible influence is likely to be limited, given the modest scale of intra-African foreign direct investment (FDI) relative to the far greater influx of extra-African FDI into the continent, which also aligns with the fact that most ISDS claims against African states to date have been initiated by non-African investors. Second, while protections under BITs for AU investors within AU member states are poised to erode, the safeguards granted to non-African investors in these same jurisdictions will remain largely intact.

II. Reevaluating Investor Protections: The Shift in Existing Intra-African Investment Agreements

Presently, African states have entered into a total of 173 intra-African BITs, excluding those previously abrogated or rendered void. Of this corpus, 145 BITs are between AU member states, with approximately a quarter still in effect. In accordance with the provisions of Article 49(1) of the Protocol, all BITs executed between the Parties to the Protocol are unequivocally destined for termination within a period of five years from the Protocol’s promulgation. Consequently, the aforementioned 145 BITs are scheduled for termination within this stipulated five-year period following the Protocol’s effective date. Furthermore, Agreement for the Termination of All Intra-EU Bilateral Investment Treaties serves as a significant parallel to the approach reflected in Article 49(1) of the Protocol, which aligns with the collective strategy adopted by the European Union. 

Article 49(1) of the Protocol decrees that, following the cessation of existing BITs, “their survival clauses shall also be extinguished.” This stipulation fundamentally subverts the very essence of sunset clauses, which are traditionally intended to preserve a modicum of stability by ensuring the continued applicability of certain provisions for a defined period post-termination. Such a stipulation is poised to provoke intense debate regarding the extent to which investors have secured inviolable entitlements under international law and whether sovereign nations possess the prerogative to unilaterally rescind these rights once bestowed.

Article 49(3) of the Protocol further enjoins the signatories to exert their utmost endeavors in scrutinizing and amending the regional investment accords forged by the African Regional Economic Communities (RECs) — a body of 12 treaties incorporating investment provisions, including those of RECs recognized by the AU — with the overarching goal of securing seamless “alignment with the Protocol within a timeframe of five to ten years from its inception.

While certain RECs incorporate provisions that echo those in the Protocol, they appear to fall short of embracing its transformative ethos. The Protocol’s ambiguously worded mandate regarding RECs raises concerns about the potential dilution of investor protections across the continent, fostering uncertainty and indeterminacy, as it provides little clarity on what precisely constitutes “alignment.”

III. The Investment Protocol: Erosion of Investor Protections

Unpacking the Carve-Outs

Article 3(3) of the Protocol meticulously delineates a series of exclusions from its ambit, which include: (a) government procurement activities; (b) subsidies or grants provided by State Parties; (c) fiscal measures relating to taxation; and (d) preferential treatment extended by development finance institutions. Additionally, Article 3(3) unequivocally precludes from the Protocol’s purview investments undertaken by State-Owned Enterprises, alongside those “derived from capital or assets of illegal origin.” Though other International Investment Agreements (IIAs) may also exclude certain areas, the  Protocol’s treatment of investments with an “illegal origin” is especially unconventional. Notably, the phrase “illegal origin” remains undefined within the Protocol itself, rendering it ambiguous and subject to a wide range of interpretations. This lack of clarity opens the door to a potentially sweeping and unpredictable scope of exclusion.

Fair and Equitable Treatment Exclusion

In redefining investor protections, Article 17 of the Protocol substitutes the former concept of Fair and Equitable Treatment (FET) with the more circumscribed and judiciously defined standard of  Administrative and Judicial Treatment. Through this shift, signatories are obligated to guarantee that investors and their investments are not subjected to any form of treatment amounting to a flagrant miscarriage of justice, a manifest violation of due process, arbitrary caprice, or discriminatory animus on the grounds of gender, race, religion, or other similarly protected characteristics. 

Moreover, Article 17(2) unequivocally clarifies that such treatment shall not be construed as synonymous with the former standard of fair and equitable treatment, but rather as a minimum threshold of protection — a safeguard against the egregious maltreatment of investors within both administrative and judicial domains. This recalibration represents a deliberate shift towards a more measured approach to investor protection, emphasizing procedural rectitude and the avoidance of unjust, arbitrary, or unduly prejudicial actions in state-administered legal processes.

This articulation signifies a purposeful divergence from the traditional and expansive contours of FET, as exemplified by Article 2 of the 2006 Egypt-Ethiopia BIT, which unambiguously asserts that capital allocations “shall at all times be accorded fair and equitable treatment” while refraining from imposing any constraints on the breadth of FET’s application. In contrast, the Protocol explicitly invokes the minimum standard of treatment (MST). Notably, Article 17(2) categorically ostracizes FET from its ambit. The pragmatic consequences of this shift may bear a striking resemblance to the way arbitral tribunals have construed FET clauses in treaties that unequivocally tie them to the MST. This is particularly evident in the case of Article 14.6 of the USMCA, where the interpretations of FET provisions have often aligned with the MST framework.

A Hollow Guarantee

Articles 12 to 16 of the Protocol, which enshrine the principles of National Treatment (NT) and Most-Favored Nation (MFN), afford substantially less robust protections than conventional NT and MFN provisions. A case in point is Article 4 of the 2009 Burundi-Kenya BIT. The protections offered by Article 12 and 14 of the Protocol are confined to the post-establishment phase of investments, explicitly excluding the pre-establishment stage from their scope. In Article 12(2), a comprehensive set of factors is outlined to assess “like circumstances,” purposefully shifting the focus from the investor’s interests and the impact on the investment to broader societal concerns and the regulatory framework.

Article 13 of the Protocol provides several exceptions to the NT provision, including measures for public interest, national development, and support for disadvantaged groups or regions. It also allows states to adopt NT exceptions for sectors or regions of strategic importance—though these exceptions are vaguely defined—granting states broad discretion to implement such measures without prior notice to investors.

Moreover, the MFN provision enshrined in Article 14(3) of the Protocol narrows the scope of “treatment” by expressly excluding dispute resolution mechanisms, provisions governing admissibility and jurisdiction, as well as substantive commitments embedded in other IIAs. This restriction significantly curtails the safeguard against discriminatory practices for investors from third-party states, diverging from the broader, more traditional formulations of MFN clauses typically found in other IIAs, which customarily encompass these elements with greater breadth and inclusivity.

Compensation Rights – Scarcity of Redress 

Compared to the typical expropriation clauses in most IIAs, such as Article V of the 1997 Egypt-Malawi BIT, the expropriation provisions enshrined in the Protocol establish a notably more stringent and narrowly defined framework. Article 20(2) of the Protocol limits the definition of expropriation by excluding “non-discriminatory regulatory measures . . . aimed at safeguarding legitimate public policy objectives.” This aligns with provisions in recent IIAs, such as Annex 8-A(3) of the 2014 Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement (CETA), which similarly exempt regulatory actions from expropriation claims.

Articles 19 and 21 of the Protocol impose unconventional restrictions on compensation for expropriation. Notably, instead of the traditional requirement that compensation be “made without delay or without undue delay” as seen in Article 5(3) of the 2006 Gambia-Morocco BIT, the Protocol replaces this traditional requirement with the more ambiguous phrasing “paid within a reasonable period of time.”

The Protocol also departs from the traditional standard of “prompt, adequate, and effective compensation” as exemplified in Article 6 of the 2009 Mauritius-Tanzania BIT. It conditions compensation on the host state’s domestic laws (Article 19(1)(d)), while also requiring a fair balance between public interest and the rights of affected parties (Article 21(2)), and various other factors come into play, including the investment’s market value, purpose of expropriation, profitability, investor conduct, and duration.

The Case for Limited Security – A Constrained Approach?

In a departure from customary practice, Article 18 of the Protocol notably deviates from established norms by subtly constraining the conventional application of Full Protection and Security (FPS), a time-honored pillar in the lexicon of IIAs. Consider, for instance, Article 4(3) of the 2019 BIT between the Central African Republic and Rwanda explicitly guarantees that investments made by investors from either state shall be accorded “full protection and security” within the territories of the other. However, the Protocol curtails the breadth of protection by restricting it to “physical” security, deliberately omitting the term “full” from its language. In doing so, it narrows the scope of safeguards afforded to investments, deliberately excluding not only legal protections but also any broader interpretations of FPS that might encompass elements beyond the mere physical safeguarding of investments. This shift signifies a deliberate move toward a more limited and restrictive understanding of FPS, contrasting with the traditionally more expansive and inclusive standards.

Moreover, Article 18 of the Protocol introduces an additional layer of limitation by tethering the obligation of physical protection and security to the “capabilities” of the State Party. Specifically, it invokes the obligation of due diligence” that a State must uphold within its own borders, in alignment with the principles of Customary International Law. In doing so, this provision recalibrates the level of protection afforded to investors, linking it to the host state’s practical capacity. This creates a flexible framework that undermines the traditionally steadfast FPS standard, lowering the threshold of protection that investors might otherwise anticipate and introducing an element of variability based on the state’s resources and capabilities.

Chapter 5 of the Protocol sets out a comprehensive array of investor duties, encompassing adherence to the legal framework of the host state; the upholding of rigorous ethical standards in business conduct, labor practices, human rights, and corporate governance; the safeguarding of environmental integrity and the rights of indigenous communities; the prohibition of corrupt activities and interference in the internal affairs of the host state; and the active promotion of sustainable development. These obligations reflect a commitment not only to legal compliance but also to the ethical, social, and environmental imperatives that underpin responsible investment.

In an innovative extension of investor obligations, Article 47 of the Protocol introduces the concept of extraterritorial liability. It specifies that investors and their investments may be subject to civil actions in their home state’s judicial system for any acts, decisions, or omissions related to their investment in the host state that result in harm, personal injury, or loss of life. This provision represents a pioneering attempt within an IIA to address competence obstacles, such as issues of territoriality and forum non conveniens, among others. While a full examination of its practical ramifications and enforcement complexities is beyond the scope of this discussion, the provision will likely provoke significant opposition from investors who could face such legal actions.

IV. Dispute Settlement in the Investment Protocol: A Shift Away from ISDS

Initially, the signatories to the Protocol aimed to conclude the Annex on dispute settlement within one year of the Protocol’s adoption, as enshrined in Article 46(3). Yet, the Annex remains incomplete to this day. The Draft Annex, spanning Articles 5 to 21, sets forth the framework for Investor-State Dispute Settlement (ISDS). Notably, Article 6 grants investors the flexibility to pursue arbitration under the ICSID Rules, the UNCITRAL Rules, or, intriguingly, “any other arbitration framework or set of rules of their choosing.” This exceptional flexibility allows investors to select the arbitration mechanism that best aligns with their preferences, thereby expanding the range of available dispute resolution options.

The Protocol’s endorsement of traditional ISDS mechanisms starkly contrasts with its broader shift away from established investor protection standards. This adherence to the conventional framework also fails to reflect the growing skepticism within certain African nations—South Africa in particular—toward the continued application of ISDS. This signals a deliberate move towards alternative, more balanced approaches to resolving investment disputes, diverging from the entrenched ISDS model. Given this precedent, one might reasonably expect that the final iteration of the Protocol’s Annex on dispute settlement would notably refrain from incorporating provisions that compel host states to grant prior consent to ISDS mechanisms. Furthermore, it would be surprising if the Annex were to include a standing, unilateral offer permitting investors to unilaterally elect the arbitral rules under which to advance their claims.

V. Conclusion

The Protocol’s reforms, while ambitious, are likely to have a limited impact, predominantly altering protections for intra-African FDI under existing BITs, while leaving safeguards for non-African investors largely intact. In 2022, the bulk of FDI into Africa came from outside the continent, with the Netherlands (USD 109 billion), France (USD 58 billion), and the United States and United Kingdom (USD 46 billion each) leading the charge. South Africa continued to be the primary origin of intra – African FDI totaling (USD 33 billion). Thus, while the Protocol may reshape intra-African investment dynamics, its effect on the broader flow of external FDI—which defines Africa’s investment infrastructure—will remain negligible.

The majority of ISDS disputes lodged against the member states of the AU have predominantly stemmed from investment treaties involving African and non-African counterparts, rather than from intra-African agreements. According to the 2023 UNCTAD Investment Dispute Settlement Navigator, African investors represent a mere fraction—below 10%—of ISDS cases pursued against African nations. Should current trajectories continue, this Protocol appears poised to exert minimal influence on roughly 90% of potential ISDS claims that might emerge post-ratification.

In this context, investors from the AU—particularly those from South Africa—appear to be in the best position to benefit from the limitations imposed by the Protocol. This contrasts sharply with the dissolution of intra-EU BITs, which, despite their termination, left European investors protected under the EU’s robust legal framework. By comparison, while the Protocol curtails protections for AU investors under intra-African BITs, it fails to establish equivalent safeguards to compensate for these losses.

 

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* Mr. Muhammad Siddique Ali Pirzada is a final-year LL.B. (Hons.) candidate at the University of London (Pakistan College of Law – PCL), currently serving as Managing Editor of LEAP, President of the PCL Study Circle Society, and a YIAG member. Additionally, he has competed as an Oralist in the Philip C. Jessup International Law Moot Court Competition. He has authored numerous articles for prestigious global publications and gained work experience at Al Tamimi & Co. (DIFC), Bhandari Naqvi Riaz, Mohsin Tayebaly & Co., and The Supreme Court of Pakistan, focusing upon: International Litigation & Dispute Resolution, Commercial Litigation & Advisory, Constitutional Law and Corporate Governance.

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Fishing boat
Online Scholarship, Perspectives

Fisheries, Fairness, and the Global South: A TWAIL Critique of the Agreement on Fisheries Subsidies

*Sankari B

I. Introduction

Recently, the World Trade Organization’s (“WTO”) Agreement on Fisheries Subsidies (“AFS”) was adopted during the 12th Ministerial Conference in 2022. Being the first multilateral agreement to achieve the Sustainable Development Goal (“SDG”), AFS was considered a milestone in environmental objectives and ocean sustainability. The AFS primarily deals with eliminating fisheries subsidies to regulate illegal, unreported and unregulated fishing (“IUU Fishing”), which is contained within SDG 14.6

Fisheries subsidies are considered to have damaging effects on “trade, environment and sustainable development” according to Chen in Fisheries Subsidies under International Law.  They create competitive disadvantages and restrict market access for non-subsidized fish and fish products. Further, they incentivize overfishing, which has a direct impact on ocean sustainability. The latest data on fisheries subsidies indicate that USD 35.4 billion was spent on fisheries subsidies across the globe, with China, the US, and the Republic of Korea, paying the highest on them. This issue has caught attention since the 2001 Doha Ministerial Conference. It has finally culminated in the AFS, which offers a skeletal framework for removing fisheries subsidies. However, as evident from Article 12, the AFS is still being negotiated, and the current agreement would stand terminated if comprehensive disciplines are not adopted within four years since the AFS entered into force. 

Despite the pernicious nature of fisheries subsidies, developing and least-developed countries (“LDCs”) (collectively, the “Global South”) have raised several concerns ranging from the livelihoods of small-scale fishermen to food security issues in countries, which are heavily reliant on fish for nutrition. While the existing literature on AFS discusses its potential benefits, its impact on indigenous communities and the nature, scope and implications of the agreement, there is a limited understanding of how the Global South shaped (or did not shape) the formulation of the AFS. 

In this context, this perspective seeks to examine the AFS through the Third World Perspectives on International Law (“TWAIL”) and unpack the voices of the Global South in the negotiations and formulation of the AFS. It argues that the AFS significantly suppressed these voices and could have drastic implications on small-scale and artisanal fishing communities in the Global South. 

II. Unpacking TWAIL in the Context of Trade and Environment

BS Chimni, in his Critical Theory and International Economic Law: Third World Approach to International Law (TWAIL ) Perspective, argued how mainstream international economic law perceives international economic law as “ahistorical,” ignoring the relationship between countries arising from colonialism, neo-colonialism and global imperialism. In the same vein,  sustainable development also ignores the intrinsic link between capitalism, imperialism, and nature. The concept can be manipulated by powerful nations and corporations to promote their interests and fails to acknowledge the historical relationship between imperialism and prevalent environmental challenges. Thus, it is argued that neoliberal definitions of international economic law do not ensure sustainability.  

The WTO’s Agreement on Agriculture (“AoA”) illustrates the TWAIL perspective concerning the intersection of trade and environment. The implied promise of agricultural trade liberalization under the AoA is to ensure market access to developing countries and to remove subsidies contributing to the over-exploitation of land through the indiscriminate use of fertilizers and pesticides. However, none of these objectives were  truly achieved with the developed nations (collectively, the “Global North”), which employed liberalization, development, and environmental justice to cement their hegemony. 

First, the AoA led to an increase in food imports, along with a decrease in food production, adversely impacting food security, poverty, development and the environment. Such an increase in imports had a domino effect on the Global South, including a threat to key agricultural sectors crucial for food supply, employment, poverty alleviation and economic development, and environmental damage in developing countries due to chemical-intensive and monocultural modes of agricultural production.

Second, the AoA has institutionalized power imbalances between the Global North and the Global South. It permits past users (the Global North) to maintain export subsidies (subject to minimal reductions) while prohibiting the introduction of new subsidies by developing countries. It has unfairly deprived the Global South of the policy tool to build their agro-export revenue from domestic food production and made the countries therein  increasingly import subsidized goods. 

III. Uncovering the Global South Voice in the AFS Negotiations

During the AFS negotiations, the Global South had a host of concerns that were brought up during the negotiations. First, the Special and Differential Treatment (“SDT”) for the Global South. SDT was especially highlighted in the Hong Kong Ministerial Conference, wherein it stressed the vitality of the fisheries sector for the Global South, especially for poverty alleviation, livelihood, and food security concerns. Small and vulnerable economies have called for an expansive understanding of SDT, including flexibilities for industrial and semi-industrial fishing, length of time to implement the agreement, greater opportunity to consult before any Dispute Settlement Body cases, and technical assistance and capacity building. 

Second, non-actionable subsidies. It was contended that some subsidies that do not adversely impact trade and sustainability (“non-actionable subsidies”) should not be removed, like subsidies involving infrastructural development, the prevention and protection against diseases, scientific research and training, or any other rehabilitative facilities for fishermen. Others include subsidies for conservation and regional development and social security, such as subsidies for natural disasters at sea, subsidies for the off-season, unemployment fees, early retirement funds and subsidies for fishermen’s re-education, re-training and alternative employment assistance.  

Third, the capacity to develop fishing resources. It was argued that the prohibition of measures increasing fishing in a more sustainable way would unduly impede the ability of the Global South to use their fisheries resources for food security, poverty alleviation, and sustainable development. Further, there has been some skepticism regarding the link between subsidies and fisheries depletion, since the evidence has been based on data from the Global North with large-scale industrial fleets.

Fourth, the protection of small and vulnerable coastal states and artisanal fishing. There have been calls to exclude subsidies to artisanal and small-scale fishing from the definition of fisheries subsidies while providing small and vulnerable coastal states with SDT or classifying such activities as non-actionable subsidies.  Small and vulnerable coastal states proposed to exclude subsidies granted to assist their development from the purview of discussion.

Fifth, addressing the harms of non-specific fuel subsidies. There have been contentions surrounding the reduction of non-specific fuel subsidies. It has been argued that fuel subsidies constitute twenty-two percent of the fisheries subsidies provided, and largely cover non-specific fuel subsidies. This obscurity of non-specific fuel subsidies is detrimental to ocean sustainability, because it continues to incentivize unsustainable fishing practices.

Sixth, sufficient transition period. Developing countries like India have also requested a twenty-five-year moratorium imposed on Distant Water Fishing Nations to provide any subsidy for fishing or fishing-related activities beyond their Exclusive Economic Zones (“EEZ”). Further, it was argued that subsidies should not be prohibited for developing nations and LDCs during this period. This would allow the nascent fisheries sectors in these countries to thrive.

Seventh, unequal comparison of subsidies between developed and developing nations. The Global South argued that the comparison of subsidies should be based on “per-fisher subsidy.” Given the larger fishing population in the Global South vis-à-vis the same in the Global North, the per-fisher subsidies are much lower in the Global South vis-à-vis those in the Global North. To illustrate this, in India, the per-fisher subsidy is estimated to be $15 per fisher, while the Global North countries, such as Denmark, provide per-fisher subsidies as high as $75,000. Thus, without considering per-fisher subsidies, the comparison between the Global South and Global North has been unfair. 

IV. Assessing the AFS through a TWAIL Perspective: The Case Study on India’s Fisheries Sector

This section analyzes AFS through a TWAIL perspective, keeping in mind the seven blocks of concern examined in Part III. This analysis is performed with the Indian fisheries sector as the case study. The reason behind contextually analyzing a country is to demonstrate the needs and concerns of one nation distinct from others. This offers a larger critique of the AFS for homogenizing countries, without understanding the unique concerns of the Global South. 

i. Contextual Analysis of India’s Fisheries Sector

Fisheries is a crucial sector for India socio-economically; it contributes 1 percent of India’s Gross Domestic Product and exports INR 46,662.85 worth of crore, while providing food security and securing livelihood for around 3.77 million people. Of the fishing-dependent population, about 67 percent of the families are under the Below the Poverty Line (“BPL”) category, around 16 percent belong to marginalized backgrounds and 48.7 percent are women. Only 25.8 percent of Indian fishing vessels are mechanized, while the rest are non-mechanized or motorized fishing crafts. 

India provides INR 2225 crore approximately towards supporting fisheries as of FY 2019. Fuel subsidies are the most significant support, amounting to 32 percent of the subsidies provided, and are rapidly increasing with a growth rate of 142 percent. The second most key category of subsidies is those promoting deep-sea fishing, mariculture and vessel modernization. The third most crucial type of support is relief from disaster and other social security nets.

Existing studies and accounts demonstrate the flawed structure and distribution of fisheries subsidies in India. Firstly, these subsidies may not truly benefit the most vulnerable fishermen as they predominantly aid the better-off fishermen. Further, there are additional developmental needs (such as safety in the sea) that remain unaddressed through these support programs. The Indian experience with fuel subsidies has demonstrated that they are inefficient in transferring benefits, prone to leakages and manipulated by middlemen, who resell the fuel at higher prices. Secondly, most of the subsidies are focused towards fuel, modern fishing gear, ice plants, and marketing since India is promoting aquaculture. For instance, in Karnataka, of the eighteen subsidies listed in 2018-19, only two were dedicated towards welfare, and thirteen focused on marketing and inland fisheries development and aquaculture. This does not provide any incentive or support for small-scale and vulnerable fishing communities. Thirdly, a study conducted in Southern Karnataka shows that only select fisherfolk receive welfare subsidies on a first-come-first-served basis. Further, many fishers are not aware of the schemes available to them. Thus, the fisheries subsidies in India require reformation. 

ii. TWAIL Critique of AFS and the Implications on India’s Fisheries Sector

This segment presents a TWAIL critique of AFS and analyzes the implications on the Indian fisheries sector, offering recommendations to India and other developing nations and LDCs.

1. The AFS under-regulates subsidies harmful to ocean sustainability. They are used to subsidize vessels’ increased fishing capacity and fishers’ fishing expenses, such as fishing gears, capital costs, and fuel subsidies. These subsidies account for 60 percent of the global fisheries subsidies and are constantly increasing, most of which are provided by the developed countries. India pointed out the lack of recognition of non-specific fuel subsidies. This suggestion was rejected by the majority of the members. 

Recommendation: The AFS negotiations should identify subsidies that are detrimental to achieving ocean sustainability. Article 5 should accordingly contain guidance regarding identifying “harmful” subsidies. 

2. The categories of “developed” and “developing” countries are obsolete. The self-declaratory mechanism to recognize developing status allows some large economies to maintain the footing of developing nations. In the context of fisheries subsidies, this is more problematic. Specifically, China dominates distant-water fishing with large and modernized vessels but continues to enjoy SDT benefits as a developing nation. 

Recommendation: To address over-generalization of developing nations, the self-declaratory mechanism must be transformed. There should be further classification within developing nations, based on fishing fleet size, mechanization or catch capacity to fairly distribute SDT benefits.

3. The de minimis requirement was notified as an explanatory note in December 2023. Reading this requirement along with Article 4.3 of the AFS carries adverse implications for the Global South. The note specified that while the twenty largest subsidy providers would be subject to the strictest scrutiny, LDCs and developing countries with a global share of marine catch not greater than 0.8 percent would be excluded from the prohibition on fisheries subsidies. Countries not within these categories are mandated to demonstrate sustainability as per Article 4.3. This is fallacious because the Global North with large industrial fleets have the capacity and the regulatory regime to show compliance. This would then incentivize them to provide prohibited subsidies to their historically large industrial fleets. In contrast, developing countries like India, which fall under neither of the categories, lack the capacity to engage with onerous requirements and paperwork to demonstrate sustainable fishing and cannot provide the necessary support for their nascent fisheries sectors to grow. 

Recommendation: The requirements of sustainability under Article 4.3 must be defined in a manner that allows for contextual interpretation based on the needs of the Global South. 

4. The twenty-five-year transition period sought was rejected and would have detrimental implications on livelihood and food security. Given the socioeconomic background of Indian fishing communities and food security concerns, there is a pressing need to address these issues before phasing out subsidies. Appallingly, the AFS provides merely two years to transition for the Global South. However, this is not the case in other WTO agreements. For instance, the AoA has a transition period of ten years. Short transition puts the livelihoods of fishing communities and the food security of developing countries like India at risk.

Recommendation: In further negotiations, there must be a strong push for extending the transition period and providing more robust SDT provisions that impose concrete obligations on developed nations.

5. There exists no definition for artisanal and small-scale fishing, which are the most vulnerable groups within the fisheries sector. Without such a definition, the AFS cannot proceed in carving out exceptions for them. The lack of a sufficient transition period coupled with the absence of any exceptions for BPL-fishers would further push them into poverty. Thus, the interests of vulnerable communities in the Global South have been compromised, despite the incessant demands to meet their interests during the negotiations. 

Recommendation: There must be a push for defining and protecting small and vulnerable coastal states and traditional and artisanal fishers. The prohibitions on subsidies must be lifted for these categories.

6. Article 7, which provides for a voluntary funding mechanism for developing countries, is inadequate because it does not obligate developed nations to provide income support or offer technical know-how to develop sustainable fishing practices. Further, the fund excludes other crucial disciplines, including poverty reduction, disaster recovery, alternative employment for fishers and technology transfer. All these requirements were put forth during the negotiations by the Global South but were neglected in the AFS.

Recommendation: The voluntary fund mechanism should be made mandatory for a specific number of years to assist the Global South during their transition phase. There must also be a call for more technological transfers that would aid the Global South to develop sustainable fishing practices.

7. The use of sustainability to institutionalize Global North hegemony is evident in the AFS and its negotiations. There is a complete lack of historical responsibility by the Global North with large industrial fleets, who have contributed to the current overfishing crisis. They have employed the United Nations Convention on the Law of Seas (“UNCLOS”) to exploit deep-sea fishing beyond the EEZs, the common heritage of mankind. This was effectively achieved through Fisheries Access Agreements (“FAAs”), drawn up by the EU, the US, Russia and Japan. The FAAs, along with the UNCLOS, affected small and traditional fishers and provided incentives to larger corporations to fish beyond limits. Thus, the institutionalized sustainable objectives may stifle the growth of fisheries in the Global South by denying them a reasonable way of providing income and rehabilitative support to vulnerable fishers.

Recommendation: The Global North must acknowledge its responsibility for the overfishing crisis. Suitable amendments also must be made to the FAAs to incorporate ocean sustainability and SDT provisions for the Global South.

These recommendations must be supplemented with reforms in India’s (and other developing countries’ and LDCs’) subsidies distributive mechanisms. India must phase out fuel subsidies, given its link to unsustainable fishing and instead redistribute such harmful subsidies in a positive manner. This includes support for traditional fishing practices, sustainable fishing, research and development, fisheries management, social security nets, disaster relief, and poverty alleviation. 

The article unpacks the complexities of approaching the issue of fisheries subsidies and ocean sustainability. A one-size-fits-all approach, as in the case of the AFS, is grounded in institutionalizing power imbalances between the Global North and the Global South. This negatively impacts the latter and their small-scale, nascent and vulnerable fishing sector. Further, the AFS is not efficacious in achieving ocean sustainability since it does not dismantle the root causes of overfishing: non-specific fuel subsidies and FAAs. Thus, going forward, the Global South must push for measures that protect their fisheries sector and ameliorate ocean sustainability concerns. 

 

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* Sankari B is a final year undergraduate student studying at the National Law School of India University, Bangalore (NLSIU).

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HALO x ILJ Collaboration, Online Scholarship

The Intersection of Augmented Reality and Art: Legal Implications for Intellectual Property Protection

Editor’s Note: This article is part of a collaboration between the Harvard Art Law Organization and the Harvard International Law Journal.

*Monday Chinaecherem & **Danladi Christopher

INTRODUCTION 

Recently, the Art Gallery of Ontario showcased the ReBlink exhibit, where digital artist Alex Mayhew transformed classic artworks into interactive experiences through augmented reality (AR). Visitors could use their smartphones to see historical figures from paintings come to life, engaging in modern-day activities and interacting with their surroundings. This innovative approach not only captivated audiences but also prompted discussions about the evolving nature of art in the digital age. As AR gains traction in the art world, it simultaneously exposes the limitations of traditional intellectual property (IP) laws, which were designed for static and tangible works. The integration of digital content into physical spaces raises critical questions about ownership rights, consumer confusion, and the enforcement of trademark protections. For instance, when multiple artists collaborate on a virtual installation viewed through AR, who holds the rights to the resulting creation? Furthermore, as brands leverage AR to project their trademarks onto real-world objects, issues of unauthorized use and potential misrepresentation come to the fore.

This article will examine the integration of AR into the art world, the unique features that distinguish it from other digital technologies, and how existing IP laws apply—or fail to apply—to this emerging art form. The next section will explore the existing IP frameworks and analyze their applicability to AR-based artworks.

EXISTING IP FRAMEWORKS AND THEIR APPLICABILITY TO AR-BASED ARTWORKS IN THE UK AND US

United States

In the US, copyright laws under the Copyright Act of 1976 protect “original works of authorship, (§ 102) including digital creations. For AR art, the digital elements may qualify for protection if they meet originality and fixation requirements. In Stern Electronics Inc. v. Kaufman 669 F.2d 852 (2d Cir. 1982), the court addressed the copyrightability of video games. The court ruled that video games qualify for copyright protection as audiovisual works, emphasizing that the combination of visual elements, sound, and interactivity can meet the originality requirement. Similarly, the court in Atari Games Corp. v. Oman 979 F. 2d. 242 (D.C. Cir. 1992) held that the visual displays of video games, even those with simple geometric shapes, can be protected under copyright law if they exhibit sufficient creativity. However, the interactive nature of AR—where audiences can manipulate or contribute to the artwork—complicates the determination of authorship.  Unlike traditional static art, AR art is dynamic and can change based on user interaction. This raises questions about whether users who alter the artwork have any claim to authorship, or if the original creator retains full control.

Since the U.S. Copyright Act does not clearly address this issue, it remains unclear how to assign authorship when users play an active role in shaping artwork’s content. As AR art continues to evolve, the law must adapt to these new challenges, and legal scholars are exploring ways to better define the scope of copyright protection for interactive works.

While copyright protects the creative aspects of AR, patents cover the technological innovations that make these experiences possible. The U.S. Patent Act establishes robust protections for technological innovations, making it a cornerstone of IP law in the country. Patents can be granted for inventions that meet three key criteria: they must be novel (§ 102), non-obvious (§103), and useful (§101). This framework has been instrumental in protecting AR hardware and software innovations, such as AR headsets, motion sensors, and immersive technology platforms. However, patents rarely extend to the creative expressions or artistic content embedded within AR experiences. This limitation arises because patents are designed to protect human inventions and processes, not creative works which are typically covered by copyright law or AR innovations.

The case of Alice Corp. v. CLS Bank International 573 U.S. 208 (2014)  is particularly relevant. The Supreme Court established a two-step test for determining patent eligibility, focusing on whether the invention is directed to an abstract idea and whether it includes an inventive concept sufficient to transform the abstract idea into a patent-eligible application. This decision has impacted software patents, including AR-related technologies, by making it harder to patent abstract ideas like algorithms without demonstrating their practical application.

Building on the foundational protections offered by copyright and patent laws, trademarks introduce another layer of complexity in the AR space. Whilst copyright safeguards creative expressions and patents secure technological innovations, trademarks focus on maintaining the integrity of brand identities. 

In the United States, trademarks are governed by the Lanham Act (Trademark Act of 1946), which protects brand identifiers such as logos, names, and service marks from misuse that could confuse consumers or harm a brand’s reputation. However, applying these protections in AR environments presents distinct challenges.  A notable challenge involves the unauthorized projection of trademarks into virtual spaces. For example, in the case of In re Diesel Power Gear, LLCNo. 1:2019cv09308 – Document 122 (S.D.N.Y. 2023), the misuse of trademarks in digital advertisements was scrutinized. Extending this to AR, an app could project the logo of a high-end fashion brand onto generic clothing in a virtual try-on experience. This misrepresentation could dilute the brand’s value, causing consumer confusion and devaluing the trademark’s exclusivity.

United Kingdom

The UK’s copyright framework is governed by the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. Like the US, it protects “original works”, including digital creations (section 1&3). For AR artworks, protection is afforded if they exhibit originality and are fixed in a tangible medium. However, the interactive nature of AR raises questions about authorship. The Nova Productions Ltd v Mazooma Games Ltd [2007] EWCA Civ 219  case supports the copyright ability of foundational elements in interactive works, but does not necessarily extend protection to all aspects of user interaction, such as transient or real-time outputs in AR applications.

Patents in the UK are regulated by the Patents Act 1977 aligned with the European Patent Convention (EPC). Innovations in AR hardware and software may be patentable if they meet the criteria of novelty(Section 2(1)), inventive step(Section 1(1)(b)), and industrial applicability(Section 1(1)(c)). For instance, AR technologies such as holographic devices or motion-capture systems could qualify for patents. However, like in the US, patents in the UK do not extend to creative expressions or artistic content created by Augmented Reality as seen in  Thaler v. Comptroller-General of Patents, Designs and Trade Marks [2023] UKSC 2021-0201  where the UK Supreme Court ruled that an artificial intelligence system cannot be named as an inventor under UK patent law, reaffirming that patents must be attributed to a natural person.

Trademark protection in the UK is governed by the Trade Marks Act 1994. Trademarks protect brand identifiers such as designs, letters, numerals, colours, sounds or the shape of goods or their packaging (Section 1(1)). In the context of AR, challenges include unauthorized use of trademarks in virtual spaces, leading to potential consumer confusion and/or brand dilution. A hypothetical example is an AR app projecting a well-known car brand’s logo onto a generic vehicle, creating a false association.

Comparatively, the frameworks of the two jurisdictions provide robust protections for traditional innovations but differ in application even though it can be implied that AR works may qualify if they meet certain requirements. The UK’s CDPA emphasizes originality but offers similar protections to the US Copyright Act for dynamic works. Patent frameworks in both jurisdictions align on criteria for protection, but the UK’s approach is closely tied to European standards, which may influence cross-border patent disputes. Trademark laws in both countries address unauthorized use but face challenges in AR environments where virtual misrepresentation is easier. Overall, while the legal foundations are similar, differences in interpretation and enforcement highlight the importance of tailoring strategies to each jurisdiction.

LEGAL ISSUES AND THE PRACTICAL WAY FORWARD

From the foregoing, it is evident that the integration of augmented reality into the art world has not only prompted a host of legal issues but has also occasioned critical ethical dilemmas that require consideration. One of the prime legal concerns is the applicability of existing intellectual property laws to AR art, which often blurs the lines between traditional copyright, trademark, and patent protections. Traditional IP laws were essentially designed for static and tangible works, making them ill-equipped to handle the dynamic and interactive nature of AR art. This precipitates the issue of real authorship in collaborative projects: if multiple artist contribute in an AR piece, who is said to own the rights to the final work? Also, as brands utilize AR to project their trademark in real world settings, questions of unauthorized use and potential misrepresentation become more prominent, leading to dispute over ownership and rights that current laws may not clearly resolve. Ethically, AR art upsurges significant challenges related to cultural appropriation and the representation of marginalized communities. As artists create immersive experiences that draw from various cultural backgrounds, there is a risk of exploiting these cultures without proper acknowledgement or respect. This can perpetuate stereotypes and lessen the authenticity of cultural expressions. The interactive nature of AR allows users to manipulate artworks, which consequently complicates ethical considerations about consent and integrity of the original work. 

Although addressing these issues maybe a daunting task, it is well within our capabilities. Finding effective solutions will necessitate deliberate and collective efforts from all parties involved. First, there is a pressing need for legislative reform that modernizes IP laws to better accommodate the unique characteristics of AR and art. Policy-makers should ruminate on creating specific frameworks that define authorship, ownership, and rights in collaborative digital environments. This could be done by establishing guidelines on how contributions are recognized and rights allocated among participants in AR projects. 

Strategic collaboration with international organizations focused on IP rights like the WIPO- can establish global standards for AR art that transcend national boundaries. This will help in enhancing cross-border enforcement issues and ensure that creators’ rights are protected regardless of jurisdiction. 

Additionally, scholastic initiatives, workshops, and forums can facilitate discussions on cultural sensitivity, and foster intelligent dialogue among artists, legal experts, and cultural representatives, with the aim of promoting awareness of IP rights and ethical considerations in AR art. Relevant stakeholders can further create a more informed community where artists are equipped with knowledge about their rights and responsibilities, and educate audiences on how to judiciously engage with AR art. 

CONCLUSION

The digital age has occasioned an intense change to how visual and performing artworks are created and displayed for viable purposes. While this shift poses substantial challenges to copyright concepts, new technologies have also opened an avenue for creative expression and expanded audience engagement. However, since existing laws often struggle to keep pace with digital advancements, updating and harmonizing IP regulations would balance and protect artists’ rights along with the benefits of an open internet and enhance a vibrant creative ecosystem while sustaining the cultural interest of society.

 

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* Monday Chinaecherem, University of Nigeria

** Danladi Christopher, University of Nigeria

 

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HALO x ILJ Collaboration, Online Scholarship

Law and Sacred Heritage: Towards a Juridical Definition of Religious Cultural Heritage

Editor’s Note: This article is part of a collaboration between the Harvard Art Law Organization and the Harvard International Law Journal.

*Lucas Felipe Cabral de Aquino & **Marcílio Toscano Franca Filho

1 Introduction

The importance of religious cultural heritage has been recognized by several international organizations, such as UNESCO, through the 2010 Statement on the Protection of Religious Properties within the Framework of the World Heritage Convention; and the General Assembly of the United Nations, via Resolution n. 55/254. Besides speaking only to a specific religious community, these cultural goods are also relevant to humanity’s cultural identity.

However, despite of its relevance, it is difficult to find a proper conceptualization of religious cultural heritage, distinguishing it from the “secular” cultural heritage, which creates barriers to its effective protection and promotion, especially when, besides the traditional dangers to cultural heritage— such as depredation, theft, illicit traffic, poor preservation—new challenges arise from the consequences of climate change and the rise of religious intolerance. Given its intrinsic relation with religious practices and manifestations, international and domestic norms must delineate a special protection system able to consider its peculiarities. To privilege historic, artistic, and technical criteria when dealing with religious cultural heritage is to relegate to the background the distinctive mark of these goods: their sacredness and their relationship with the active life of the religion.

In the present work, we aim to present an initial debate towards the conceptualization of religious cultural heritage, understanding that it is closely dependent on the definition of variable ideas, such as what is “religion” and what is “sacred”. It is certain, however, that religious cultural heritage is composed of a diverse series of sacred places, monuments, buildings, works of art, rites, traditions, costumes, practices, and many other forms of tangible and intangible goods. 

2 Brief consideration on “cultural heritage”

Different legal diplomas give different meanings to “cultural heritage”. They can be complementary; or represent the transformations in the relationship between society and its heritage. Yet there always is a common point: the capacity to express cultural values while identifying their singular and distinctive characteristics (Lemme 2000, 610).

The shift from the idea of cultural property to a broader sense of cultural heritage allowed the cultural goods protected by the 1972 World Heritage Convention to be “understood as the inherited patrimony of culture, inclusive of the intangible heritage and living culture, and its relation to socio-economic aspects.” (Francioni 2020, 251) In this sense, article 1 of the 1972 Convention utilizes the “exceptional universal value” as the distinguishing mark of cultural heritage. Despite efforts made by the World Heritage Centre to clarify the criteria for inclusion on the World Heritage List, difficulties persist in including cultural heritage of Latin American, African, and Asian-Pacific countries,11 On the subject, see: Lucas Lixinski, International Heritage Law for Communities: Exclusion and Re-Imagination (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2019). since much of its heritage is of intangible nature (Blake 2020, 347). This led to the elaboration of the 2003 Convention for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage. Considering the peculiarities of intangible heritage—both in terms of its characteristics and of its protection—the 2003 Convention conceptualizes it as practices, representations, expressions, knowledge, and techniques recognized by a particular group, community or individual as an integral part of its cultural heritage. By doing so, the 2003 Convention also serves as a paradigm for the protection of cultural diversity, adopting a very broad concept capable of including different forms of “traditional” cultural manifestations. Thus, the UNESCO Conventions serve as International Cultural Heritage Law frameworks: one based on the “exceptionality” criteria; and another related to the peoples’ identity.

In this sense, Nathalie Heinich (2010/2011, 122-125), in an axiological analysis of cultural heritage, outlines five fundamental values that are immanent in the selection of goods that could receive such qualification: authenticity, antiquity, rarity, beauty, and meaning. Each of these values—except for rarity—can be associated to a broader “value register”: antiquity, to the “domestic” register, translating a notion of respect, belonging, trust, and concern with transmission; authenticity, to the “purifying” register, linked to integrity and connection with origins; meaning, to the “hermeneutic” register, implying the search for signification; and beauty to the “aesthetic” register, connected to notions of art. Heinich also states that the “value registers” can be separated into two “value realms”: the “singularity realm” and the “community realm.” Since rarity does not fit into any “value register”, it and its opposite, multiplicity, serve as “orthogonal values” that are capable of reinforcing or weakening other values. Therefore, a “singular realm” values what is rare, reflecting the notions of the 1972 Convention; while a “community realm” values the original artistic manifestations linked to the memory of a certain people, which its members are concerned with transmitting to future generations, reflecting the notions of the 2003 Convention. Thus, we understand that the values listed by the author—authenticity, antiquity, rarity, beauty, and meaning—are adequate for the analysis undertaken in the present work.

3 “Religiousness” from the point of view of Cultural Heritage Law

Religious cultural heritage can be understood as the set of tangible and intangible goods—taken individually or in groups—relevant for at least one religious group. Once its importance relies in its sacred function, distinguishing it from “secular” cultural heritage (Faria 2015, 595), its defining core is sacrality, given its exclusion from “profane” uses and its destination to public or private religious cult (Menis 1994, 35). Since there is a link between “religious cultural heritage” and “religious manifestation”, it is necessary to delineate the latter for the understanding of the former. 

From a theoretical intertwining between Peter Berger’s sociological theory of religion and Viktor Frankl’s existential analysis, Thiago Aquino (2023, 8) conceptualizes religion as being 

“a worldview, a nomos that expresses itself through a belief in an instance of cosmic evolution that would transcend the reality of ordinary experience and that is not subject to rational apprehension. The purpose of this belief would be to make the human being conscious, through the symbol referring to this greater reality, placating both the terror of emptiness and the restlessness about the enigmas and the final meaning of human existence.”22 Originally: “uma cosmovisão, um nomos que se expressa por meio de uma crença em uma instância da evolução do cosmos que transcenderia a realidade da experiência ordinária e que não é passível de uma apreensão racional. A finalidade dessa crença seria a de tornar o ser humano consciente, por meio do símbolo referente a esta realidade maior, aplacando tanto o terror do vazio quanto as inquietações acerca dos enigmas e do sentido final da existência humana.”

The religious cultural heritage relates to manifestations that express a transcendental worldview imbued with symbolic meaning that guide individuals and provide a deeper understanding of existence. From this, three conclusions are derived: (i) not every good belonging to a religious group is a cultural good; (ii) not every cultural asset belonging to a religious group is cultural heritage; and (iii) not all cultural heritage belonging to a religious group is religious cultural heritage. At first glance, the third conclusion may seem contradictory, however it becomes necessary when not adopting self-definition as a defining mark of religiosity. Thus, only those assets that translate religiosity in combination with aesthetic and historical elements would be accepted as “religious cultural heritage” (Tsivolas 2014, 39-49). For example, if a religious order manages a museum containing a painting with no sacred content that was made by a major historical artist, this work of art may be cultural heritage, but not religious cultural heritage.

Moreover, the religious character does not result in the exclusive enjoyment by the religious community. As said by Maria Cornu (2022, 50):

“These assets of collective interest, when designated as elements of cultural heritage, are more closely aligned with extra-commerciality. They are public things, in the sense that they belong to everyone, beyond the idea of being objects of property. This constitutes a collective heritage, and public cultural spaces such as museums are particularly appropriate ‘enclaves’ for housing these things outside of commerce.”33 Originally: “Ces biens d’intérêt collectif, lorsqu’ils sont désignés comme éléments du patrimoine culturel, sont davantage postés du côté de l’extra-commercialité. Ils sont des choses publiques, en ce sens qu’ils appartiennent à tous, au-delà de l’idée qu’ils sont des objets de propriété. C’est un patrimoine collectif, et les lieux publics culturels tels que les musées sont une ‘enclave’ particulièrement appropriée pour accueillir ces choses hors commerce.”

In that sense, Theodosios Tsivolas (2014, 40-43) argues that religious cultural heritage should be glimpsed from the trinomial faith-memory-aesthetics. Besides being a testimony of sacredness, religious cultural heritage is also a symbol of religious memory, translating a complex physiognomy that deciphers changes in religious practices over the centuries. Conserving a religious cultural asset has as a direct consequence the maintenance of distinct layers referring to the unique moments in the society’s identity construction. The plethora of religious beliefs and dogmas translated in the symbols incorporated into a given cultural assets have an ambivalent function: it is essential for its devotional purposes, since they are manifestations of the values and norms sustained by religion; while also allowing the “secular enjoyment of religious beauty”, since religions have historically served as a source of inspiration and support for art (Tsivolas 2014, 43-46).

4 Sacrality as an immanent value of the religious cultural heritage 

International Law seems to recognize, even in tangible heritage, intangible elements that deserve protection. In doing so, Cultural Heritage Law is not only concerned with the cultural object or the manifestation itself, but with the relationship between the cultural heritage and the people’s response to it (Tsivolas 2017, 20-22). Therefore, by protecting a certain religious cultural heritage, whether tangible or intangible, one is protecting the transcendental and symbolic worldview that guides the individuals of a certain religious group. In other words, one protects the sacredness of that good and the way in which individuals of a given religious community relate to it. 

Thus, it is possible to affirm that, in addition to the values listed above—authenticity, antiquity, rarity, beauty, and meaning—sacredness is an immanent value of the protection of religious cultural heritage. This leads to the following problem: how can Law define what is sacred? We do not aim to make a taxonomy of sacred objects, practices, and sites, since sacredness manifests itself in different ways among different religions. However, some considerations are necessary.

The “sacred” is the term by which the individuals tries to translate what is most essential in their religious experience (Ries 2017, 71). According to Mircea Eliade (Eliade1959, 10), the simplest definition of the sacred is precisely its opposition to the profane, which, according to the author, allows the individual to become aware of the existence of the former. The fact that the sacred manifests itself to the human being is called “hierophany”, which includes in its meaning the entire religious phenomenon (Ries 2017, 72). From the inherent scope of hierophany derives its heterogeneity, which translates the broad scope of tangible and intangible goods that can be considered religious cultural heritage, since “each of these categories has its own morphology that reveals, at the same time, a modality of the sacred and a specific situation of the human being in relation to the sacred” (Ries 2017, 73).44 Originally: “cada uma dessas categorias possui uma morfologia própria que revela, ao mesmo tempo, uma modalidade do sagrado e uma situação específica do ser humano em relação ao sagrado.” If the simplest of objects comes to be regarded as a hierophany, even though it retains its former physical properties, it is transubstantiated in the eyes of the religious person into something that reveals a connection with that particular cosmological view (Eliade 1959, 12). As Eliade (1959, 12) states, “the sacred tree, the sacred stone are not adored as stone or tree; they are worshipped precisely because they are hierophanies, because they show something that is no longer stone or tree but the sacred, the ganz andere.

Eliade also distinguishes three elements within the structure of hierophany: (i) the natural object; (ii) the transcendental reality; and (iii) the mediating object clothed with sacredness. From the latter, emerges a symbol that acts as a “mediator between the unattainable transcendence of God and man”, so that “the Sacred symbolically transfigures the reality of the world of man” (Greco 2009, 61).

Therefore, when we argue that sacredness is an immanent value of religious cultural heritage, we aim to affirm that, allied to the protection of what is valued, before a community, for its authenticity, antiquity, rarity, beauty, and meaning,55 We chose to differentiate between the “meaning” value and the “sacred” value because we believe that the former translates the historical perspective contained in the religious cultural heritage; and the second, the properly religious perspective of the cultural good. it also protects what is most essential for a given religious community: the relationship with the transcendental figure.

5 Final considerations

From what has been previously discussed, we can conclude that one cannot simply define religious cultural heritage as the heritage pertinent to a specific religious group, given that the notion of “religion” is mostly variable. Thus, we propose the idea that religious cultural heritage is related to manifestations that express a transcendental worldview imbued with symbolic meaning that guide individuals, while providing a deeper understanding of existence, based on Aquino’s analysis of Berger’s and Frankl’s theories. 

This leads to the understanding that not all cultural heritage belonging to a religious group can be classified as religious cultural heritage, and that the special protection given to this cultural heritage seeks to protect the good itself, its sacredness, and the way in which individuals of a given religious community relate to it. A move towards this direction would lead Cultural Heritage Law to recognize a plethora of tangible and intangible religious goods of marginalized religious denominations, besides leading to a better preservation status of the already recognized religious cultural heritage.

 

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The present paper was written with the support of the Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior – Brasil (CAPES) (Brazilian Coordination for the Improvement of Higher Education Personnel).

* Lucas Felipe Cabral de Aquino

Master’s student in the Postgraduate Program in Legal Sciences at the Federal University of Paraíba (PPGCJ-UFPB). Bachelor of Laws from the Federal University of Paraíba (2018-2022). Researcher at the International Laboratory for Research in Transjuridicality (LABIRINT).

**Marcílio Toscano Franca Filho

Arbitrator in the World Intellectual Property Organization Arbitration and Mediation Center (WIPO, Geneva/Singapore), in the Court of Arbitration for Art (CAfA) and in the Latin American Arbitration and Mediation Center (LatCam, Asunción). Former arbitrator in the MERCOSUR Tribunal (Asunción). Professor of Public Law at the Federal University of Paraíba (UFPB, Brazil) and Prosecutor General at the Prosecution Office at the Audit Court of Paraíba (MPC, Brazil), where he chairs the Taskforce on Cultural Heritage Protection. Member of the UNIDROIT Working Group on Art Collections. Visiting Professor in Turin, Pisa and Ghent, Research Fellow at the Collegio Carlo Alberto (CCA, Turin) and Calouste Gulbenkian Fellow at the European University Institute (EUI, Florence). Member of the Executive Council, and the International Law Commission on Cultural Heritage, International Law Association (London, United Kingdom). Member of TIAMSA – the International Art Market Studies Association; the Instituto Hispano-Luso-Americano de Direito Internacional (IHLADI); the Istituto Nazionale per il Diritto Dell’arte e dei Beni Culturali (INDAC, Italy), and the 1995 UNIDROIT Convention Academic Project (Rome, Italy).

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Has the Financial Action Task Force Turned a Blind Eye to Art Market Money Laundering?

Editor’s Note: This article is part of a collaboration between the Harvard Art Law Organization and the Harvard International Law Journal.

*Juan Carlos Portilla

Introduction

The succinct response to the question posed is affirmative. The Financial Action Task Force (“FATF”), the global money laundering and terrorist financing watchdog, has yet to establish international standards that would incorporate the global art market into its designated non-financial businesses and professions (“DNFBPs”) framework.

The financial sector (banking, securities broker-dealers, fintech, and virtual assets) and DNFBPs (casinos, real estate agents, lawyers, notaries, accountants, trust service providers, and dealers in precious metals and stones) are governed by stringent anti-money laundering (“AML”) regulations. Nevertheless, the art market operates under relatively lax anti-financial crime regulations and oversight across various jurisdictions globally. The lack of a clear international framework from FATF has hindered both nations and art market participants from establishing compliance regulations and policies. Specifically, this absence of guidance affects the implementation of “Know Your Customer” protocols—which prohibit financial institutions from opening accounts anonymously or under a false name, due diligence obligations, transparency regarding beneficial ownership of legal entities involved in art transactions, and the reporting of suspicious activities to relevant authorities.

The absence of a comprehensive global regime regulating the art market renders it particularly susceptible to transnational financial crime, including money laundering, terrorist financing, and proliferation financing.  Such a regime should not only incorporate know your customer and due diligence obligations, transparency regarding beneficial ownership of legal entities involved in art deals, and the reporting of suspicious activity, but also the prohibition of engaging in business transactions with sanctioned entities.  

The European Union’s Fifth Anti-Money Laundering Directive includes anti-money laundering obligations to art brokers, auction houses, and storage providers, particularly for transactions exceeding €10,000. The proposed Illicit Art and Antiquities Prevention Act in the U.S. Congress would also require art and antiquities dealers to implement AML programs. However, there remains an urgent need for FATF to address the deficiencies in international anti-financial crime legislation to prevent art market money laundering. The objective for FATF should be to encourage its member states worldwide to implement AML programs specifically tailored to participants in the art market. In the future, the FATF mutual evaluation process should incorporate an assessment to determine whether member states comply with an FATF global standard aimed at combating transnational financial crime within the global art market.

To advocate for a new FAFT global standard aimed at safeguarding the art market from transnational financial crime, it is crucial to address several key issues: the role of FAFT in combating transnational financial crime; an understanding of transnational financial crime itself; its prevalence within the global art market; the increasing incidence of money laundering operations in the art sector; the implications of anonymity and secrecy in art transactions; and the necessity of establishing a comprehensive data system that can guide international lawmakers in tackling art-related money laundering more effectively. The remainer of this article will delineate these issues. 

The Role of FAFT and its Framework in Combating Transnational Financial Crime

 FATF is not a treaty-based international organization but rather a task force composed of member states. FAFT was established in 1989 at the initiative of the G7 to formulate policies aimed at combating money laundering. In 2001, its mandate was broadened to include terrorist financing. FATF is hosted by the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (“OECD”) in Paris. FAFT issues international standards, also referred to as the FAFT 40 Recommendations, on combating money laundering, the financing of terrorism, and proliferation financing. 

FAFT 40 Recommendations are categorized as soft law by scholars. International legislators often adopt the soft law approach, as a design choice. Soft law offers several advantages over treaty law, including greater flexibility for states to cope with complex issues, such as money laundering, and lower negotiation costs. FATF strives to cultivate the political will necessary for enacting national legislative reforms in these critical areas. FATF empowers national authorities to effectively pursue illicit funds associated with drug trafficking, the illegal arms trade, cyber fraud, and other serious offenses. To date, over 200 countries and jurisdictions have committed to implementing the FATF’s standards as part of a coordinated global initiative aimed at preventing transnational financial crime.

Understanding Transnational Financial Crime

Transnational financial crimes include money laundering, terrorist financing, and the financing of proliferation of weapons of mass destruction. Transnational crimes occur across borders and are highly profitable for organized crime. These include art crime, securities fraud, tax evasion, corruption, cybercrime, and illicit cryptocurrency use. Additionally, transnational organized crime is involved in money laundering, terrorist financing, and proliferation financing. The focal point of this conflict lies within the international financial system, as organized crime relies on it to launder the profits from their crimes. The emergence of transnational financial crime is largely due to globalization and deregulation of financial markets, leading to unprecedent cross-border money transactions involving individuals, companies, and financial institutions. 

 Money laundering is a significant concern for international policymakers. Money laundering is the process by which criminals disguise and legitimize their financial gains from illegal activities, transforming “dirty money” into “clean” funds. Key tactics involve maintaining anonymity and secrecy to avoid scrutiny of the money’s origins. Criminals obscure the source of their profits, alter the form of the money, or move it to tax haven jurisdictions to avoid detection. FATF and the United Nations (“UN”) have implemented global regulations to address the issue of money laundering. Nonetheless, international policymakers like FATF have struggled to combat money laundering in the art market. Interventions are necessary to close regulatory gaps due to several concerns: The increasing money laundering activities among art market participants, anonymity in art transactions, reliance on shell companies, and the urgent need for a comprehensive data system to aid global lawmakers in tackling art-related money laundering effectively.

Art Market Money Laundering

 Money launderers found a niche within the art market. Criminal enterprises have realized the potential of the art market as a vehicle for money laundering due to its unique characteristics and vulnerabilities. The Financial Crime Academy indicates that only 25-30% of art transactions occur through banks, highlighting the prevalence of cash transactions and difficulties in tracing funds. A major vulnerability within the art market stems from the high level of anonymity and secrecy that often accompanies art transactions. Common schemes include shell companies that hide true ownership of artworks and facilitate illegal financial activities. The absence of regulation and oversight in the art market exacerbates its susceptibility to various risks, with estimates suggesting that over $3 billion in art market transactions are linked to suspicious activities each year.

Methods for laundering money through art and antiques include the use of artworks as collateral for loans, the role of freeports, and participating in anonymous purchases and resales. White-collar criminals are often driven to engage in anonymous transactions involving the purchase and resale of art as a means of laundering illicit funds. The Beaufort case exemplifies this contemporary and discreet method of money laundering within the art market. In the past, Beaufort Securities, a firm based in Mauritius and accused of fraud, stock manipulation, and money laundering, successfully laundered their illicit gains by depositing money under fake identities in offshore banks and gradually integrating these funds into the global banking system. However, their biggest challenge was disguising these illegal profits as legitimate income. Matthew Green, who grew up in a family devoted to fine arts, with his father owning renowned galleries, became the crucial link that opened the art market for Beaufort Securities to cleanse their tainted money. 

At 51, Green was poised to inherit the family business, but in late 2017, he became entangled with Beaufort Securities. He was then approached by the Beaufort conspirators, one of whom was in fact an undercover U.S. federal agent who had infiltrated Beaufort. Green reportedly agreed to receive £6.7 million (around $9 million at that time) derived from securities fraud in return for a 1965 Picasso, titled Personnages. Green would create fraudulent ownership documents indicating that the artwork had been sold, while actually keeping the Picasso securely stored. Later on, he would feign a purchase of the painting back from his co-conspirators at a reduced price, pocketing 5 to 10 percent of the laundered funds for himself.

The methods employed by Green and others involved in the Picasso scheme are still relatively easy to replicate Green exploited a regulatory loophole that legislators in the U.S and Europe are actively working to close. Unlike financial institutions, lawyers, casinos, currency exchange services, and even precious metals dealers, auction houses and art sellers are not required to report large cash transactions to any governing body. Dealers can keep both buyers’ and sellers’ anonymity. Unlike US businesses managing large sums, they are not required to report suspicious money origins to the U.S. Treasury Department.

Data System to Guide International Lawmakers in Addressing Art-Related Money Laundering Effectively

The legitimate global art market was valued at approximately $67.4 billion in 2018, while the underground art market, involving thefts and forgeries, may generate up to $6 billion annually, according to the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (“UNODC”). Furthermore, a 2009 UNODC report estimated that global money laundering amounted to 2-5 percent of the world’s GDP, equating to $800 billion – $2 trillion in current U.S. dollars annually. The data referenced above originates from the years 2009 and 2018, respectively. UNODC acknowledged that due to the clandestine nature of money-laundering, it is challenging to estimate the total amount of money that goes through the laundering cycle. Outdated information falls short in equipping policymakers with the necessary insights to issue international regulation against art-related money laundering. Consequently, utilizing data is essential in addressing art-related money laundering. The international community needs universally accepted frameworks that leverage data to assess the effectiveness of efforts against art-related money laundering.

Essential Components of a Global Standard to Combat Transnational Financial Crime in the Art Market

The fundamental elements of an international standard aimed at combating money laundering in the art market should encompass customer due diligence (“CDD”) measures, record-keeping requirements, and the reporting of suspicious activities. Art market participants should apply CDD when forming business relationships, suspecting illicit activities, or questioning prior customer identification information. The necessary CDD measures may include: (a) identifying the customer and confirming their identity through reliable, independent source documents, data, or information; and (b) identifying the beneficial owner and taking reasonable steps to verify their identity. For legal entities and arrangements, this involves art market participants comprehending the client’s ownership and control structure. Moreover, art market participants should maintain detailed records of all transactions, both domestic and international, to respond to authorities’ information requests. These records should allow for the reconstruction of transactions, including currency types and amounts, to aid in prosecuting criminal activities. Finally, if a participant in the art market suspects, or has reasonable grounds to suspect, that funds may be derived from criminal activities or are associated with terrorist financing related to such activities, it should be mandated by law to promptly report these suspicions to the financial intelligence unit in the jurisdiction of their domicile.

Conclusion

To summarize, this article proposes a new FATF global standard to protect the art market from transnational financial crime. While the financial sector and DNFBP face strict AML regulations, the art market lacks strong oversight, making it vulnerable to money laundering. The absence of a clear international framework from FATF hinders compliance in the art market, impacting KYC protocols, due diligence, transparency in ownership, and suspicious activity reporting. In short, FATF needs to integrate the global art market into its framework for DNFBPs.

 

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* Juan Carlos Portilla, International Financial Law Professor, Sabana Law School

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HALO x ILJ Collaboration, Online Scholarship

Digital Reproductions and the Safekeeping of Cultural Memory

Editor’s Note: This article is part of a collaboration between the Harvard Art Law Organization and the Harvard International Law Journal.

*Ronald Alcala

In 2021, when the Taliban recaptured control of Afghanistan, a small museum in Kabul quietly shuttered its doors. The museum contained no famous artifacts or works of art, and it had never hosted an exhibition of national or international acclaim. Rather, the Afghanistan Memory Home Museum displayed modest items once owned by ordinary people. It was dedicated to memorializing the lives of war victims by sharing their stories through objects they once owned. Grouped together in “memory boxes,” these items—a school notebook, a pair of sandals, a child’s drawings—were a testament to lives altered or lost as a result of the ongoing violence in Afghanistan.

When the Taliban entered the city, the museum’s organizers hid or sent away all of the museum’s artifacts. Some were hastily buried in volunteers’ yards while others were smuggled abroad for safekeeping. Today, the museum no longer exists in physical form, but it has reemerged online. Visitors can view the museum’s “memory boxes” in a digital gallery along with descriptions of each item and a narrative of the victim’s story. The digitized artifacts have kept the museum’s mission alive in a way that has become increasingly common in contemporary society: through the use of digital reproductions.

This article explores the value of digital reproductions and the significance of protecting them as cultural heritage. The article examines the law’s emphasis on original creations and argues that preferencing original works unduly burdens the aims of cultural heritage preservation. In some cases, digital reproductions can encode cultural memory as effectively as original creations, and the law should avoid biasing the protection of original works when the preservation of a digital copy can achieve the same result. All digital material, whether born digital or created to reproduce a physical object, should be independently evaluated for its cultural heritage value and protected accordingly.

A Preference for Originals

UNESCO’s adoption of the Charter on the Preservation of Digital Heritage in 2003 marked an important milestone in the protection of digital cultural heritage. The charter recognized that recorded knowledge and creative expression were increasingly “produced, distributed, accessed and maintained in digital form,” leading to the creation of a “new legacy—the digital heritage.” Older agreements that did not explicitly address digital works have now also been interpreted in light of emerging digital technologies. Among these is the 1954 Hague Cultural Property Convention, adopted in the aftermath of the Second World War to protect cultural heritage from damage or destruction in future armed conflicts. As interpreted by the international group of experts who produced the Tallinn Manual 2.0 on the International Law Applicable to Cyber Operations, the convention’s requirements to respect and protect cultural property extend to “cultural property that may be affected by cyber operations or that is located in cyberspace.” In particular, parties to an armed conflict “are prohibited from using digital cultural property for military purposes.” 

The protection of digital heritage, however, comes with a significant caveat. Both UNESCO’s Charter on the Preservation of Digital Heritage and the Tallinn Manual 2.0 express a preference for original works—either “born digital” material or a “digital surrogate”—and prioritize their protection over other digital materials. Article 7 of the Charter on the Preservation of Digital Heritage suggests that the main criteria for deciding what digital materials to keep include “their significance and lasting cultural, scientific, evidential or other value.” Article 7 then declares, without further explanation, that “‘[b]orn digital’ materials should clearly be given priority.” The Tallinn Manual 2.0 also preferences original works. Its commentary to Rule 142, which addresses cultural property, explains that the protection of digital cultural property “only applies to digital copies or versions where the original is either inaccessible or has been destroyed, and where the number of digital copies that can be made is limited.”

While a preference for original items may be understandable, this bias is worth reconsidering in an age of digital reproduction. At a time when photography and film were the disruptive reproduction technologies of the day, the German philosopher Walter Benjamin explored the allure of originals in his essay “The Work of Art in the Age of Mechanical Reproduction.” Benjamin explained that originals possessed qualities of “authenticity” and “aura” that could never be recaptured in a copy, even if the copy represents “the most perfect reproduction” of a work. Authenticity and aura were a reflection of a work’s existence in time and space and, therefore, were inapplicable to copies produced. Still, Benjamin questioned the value of authenticity and aura in an age of mechanical reproduction, “from a photographic negative,” he noted, “one can make any number of prints; to ask for the ‘authentic’ print makes no sense.” 

Digital reproduction has only magnified this argument. One commentator suggested, “the work of art in the age of digital reproduction is physically and formally chameleon. There is no clear conceptual distinction now between original and reproduction in virtually any medium based in film, electronics, or telecommunications.” A growing list of projects lends support to this conclusion. In one example, a high-quality reproduction of Paolo Veronese’s Wedding at Cana was created to replace the original painting in Venice’s San Giorgio Maggiore. Napoleon ordered the painting’s removal and transfer to the Louvre in 1797. To replace it, the art conservation firm Factum Arte produced a high-resolution photographic rendering of the work and even recreated the raised seams rejoining sections of the painting that had been cut apart when Napoleon’s soldiers transported it to France. 

Presented in the painting’s original setting, the near-perfect copy is striking. It reproduces what Veronese envisioned when he composed the work for the space centuries ago. One art critic described it as the “third miracle at Cana,” placing it after only Veronese’s original masterwork and the biblical miracle itself. The sociologists Bruno Latour and Adam Lowe suggested that “the aura of the original had migrated” from Paris to Venice, while another scholar described the transfer as flowing from the original work to “an otherwise perfect reproduction with only one shortcoming: being a facsimile.” These reactions are telling. If reproductions can possess this power and even at times feel more authentic than the originals, shouldn’t they also be entitled to independent protection, regardless of the condition or whereabouts of the originals themselves? 

The Cultural Value of Reproductions

The law has been reluctant to extend unqualified protection to copies and facsimiles because they are viewed as inauthentic and inferior. This reflexive criticism persists despite the ability of contemporary technologies to encode essentially the same cultural memory that heritage law seeks to preserve. Public response to a proposal to replace the Parthenon Marbles in the British Museum with high-quality reproductions is illustrative. The proposal would substitute the existing works with nearly identical copies carved by robots from detailed digital scans. The project would even use Pentelic marble sourced from the same quarry as the original sculptures. 

Critics, however, contend that the iron flecks in the marble “would inevitably fail to match the original” and that viewing the copies would not hold the same “magic” as viewing objects crafted by hand centuries ago. In reply, the Executive Director of the Institute for Digital Archaeology, the group overseeing the project, has argued that “the Parthenon sculptures are a far cry from the ‘real thing,’ at least if the real thing is defined as something that approximates the actual appearance of the work-product of Phidias & Co.” Phidias oversaw the Parthenon’s sculptural program, including the creation of the disputed marbles in the British Museum, in the 5th century BCE.

Viewing a high-quality reproduction with the knowledge that the archetype exists someplace else could be unsettling. Latour and Lowe indicated that the experience could provoke “terrible cognitive dissonance.” Current interpretations of the law anticipate this dissonance and consequently express a preference for originals. Perhaps, however, it is time to revisit the purpose and importance of copies. In an age of digital reproduction, when material can be reproduced with exacting detail, we should adjust our expectations and evaluate copies on their own merit as potential encoders and communicators of cultural memory.

Digital Surrogates and Cultural Memory

The commentary to the Tallinn Manual 2.0 supports protecting digital surrogates as cultural property in armed conflict, but only in cases “where the original is either inaccessible or has been destroyed, and where the number of digital copies that can be made is limited.” To illustrate this, the Tallinn Manual 2.0 provides the example of an “extremely high-resolution” digital image of the Mona Lisa. The commentary indicates that this digital surrogate “might, and in the event of the destruction of the original Mona Lisa would, qualify as cultural property.” On the other hand, “due to the high speed and low cost of digital reproduction, once such a digital image has been replicated and widely downloaded, no single digital copy of the artwork would be protected by this rule.”

Applying the Tallinn Manual 2.0’s rationale to the digital facsimile of the Wedding at Cana would lead to the following result. (Coincidentally, the original painting currently shares a gallery with the Mona Lisa in the Louvre.) First, the digital information used to create the image installed in San Giorgio Maggiore is not entitled to independent cultural property protection. Because the physical original continues to exist and is not otherwise inaccessible, the digital copy is not afforded protection under Rule 142 of the Tallinn Manual 2.0. Moreover, even if the original were to be destroyed or to become inaccessible, the digital surrogate still would not necessarily be entitled to protection. The Tallinn Manual 2.0 insists that if an image has also been widely downloaded, no single digital copy would be granted protection. (Another potentially interesting question, which is outside the scope of this article, is whether the same rule would apply if the original were destroyed or became inaccessible but a singular, high-quality reproduction, like the physical recreation of Veronese’s painting, continued to exist.)

In contrast, the protection of born-digital material is not subject to the same “widely downloaded” restriction as digital surrogates. The Tallinn Manual 2.0 does not explicitly distinguish between born-digital material and digital surrogates, but it does hint at a difference of treatment between the two. It contrasts “objects that are created and stored on a computing device and therefore only exist in digital form” from copies “of which a physical manifestation exists (or has existed).” The “widely downloaded” restriction apparently does not apply to born-digital material, such as musical scores, digital films, and scientific data.

Neither the Tallinn Manual 2.0 nor UNESCO’s Charter on the Preservation of Digital Heritage explain why born digital works should benefit from a more favorable and extensive protective regime than other digital heritage material. Presumably, it is because reproductions are considered less significant than original material. On the other hand, if a goal of cultural heritage preservation is to safeguard cultural memory for posterity, then potentially all material that accomplishes that purpose has cultural value. The preamble of the Charter on the Preservation of Digital Heritage itself declares that “the disappearance of heritage in whatever form constitutes an impoverishment of the heritage of all nations” (emphasis added). In recognition that digital reproductions can preserve heritage, it may be time to decouple the protection of digital surrogates from their physical avatars. 

The digital “memory boxes” of the Afghanistan Memory Home Museum and the facsimile of Veronese’s Wedding at Cana attest to the power of reproductions. As repositories and transmitters of cultural information, digital surrogates can be valuable safekeepers of cultural memory. In a world increasingly cultivated and experienced online, linking the protection of digital surrogates to physical objects may no longer make much sense. The law should acknowledge that in some cases, digital surrogates, like born digital material, might merit independent protection as digital cultural heritage.

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*Ronald Alcala is the Academy Professor and Associate Dean for Strategy & Initiatives, United States Military Academy at West Point. The views expressed here are the view of the author and do not necessarily reflect those of the United States Military Academy, the United States Army, the U.S. Department of Defense, or any other department or agency of the United States government.

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